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The Man Who Would Be Emperor
-by Ernie Diaz
On December 23rd, 1915, the dawn of the winter solstice, Yuan Shikai arrived at the Temple of Heaven in an armored car. Carried into the building on an imperial sedan chair, he donned the sacred robes of an emperor performing a sacrifice, and prayed that Heaven show mercy to his people.
Had Yuan been a legitimate Emperor, the ceremony might have met with approval. However, Yuan was the President of the new and besieged Chinese Republic. As such, the ritual proved Yuan’s imperial aspirations, and his betrayal of the hopes that so many Chinese had fought and died for. Yuan’s subsequent move to have himself enthroned catalyzed the breakdown of an already tenuous government, and ushered in the dark Era of Warlords. His story embodies China’s agonizing transition from ancient to modern precepts of authority.
Japan’s 1906 victory in its war with Russia gave the Chinese hope that they too might someday achieve the same level of autonomy and resistance to the West. A growing wave of intellectuals and returned students from abroad derided China for surrendering its birthright to Western powers. Long-dormant Chinese nationalism was stirring, ‘China for the Chinese’ its slogan.
Yuan Shikai was emblematic of this new mood. Displaying both military and diplomatic genius, he had risen to preeminence in the Qing administration, masterfully playing off the thousand intrigues of Dowager Empress Cixi and her splintered court. As a result, by 1908 he was the most powerful man in China not of royal blood. He had been the governor of Shandong, the viceroy of Zhili, and the minister of Beiyang. More importantly, he commanded China’s most powerful fighting force, the Northern Army, highly trained and equipped.
At the time, he would no doubt have been canny enough to deny any imperial aspirations. Nonetheless, the Manchu court anticipated them. Otherwise the death of Emperor Guangxu and Cixi within a day of each other might have been a perfect opportunity for Yuan to make a play for the throne. But an imperial decree indirectly stripped him of all power, recommending he resign all current offices in order to go home and care for his gouty foot.
Yuan did indeed ‘retire’, to Tianjing and his Garden for Cultivating Longevity, ironically stocked with sufficient wives and concubines to give him 16 sons and 14 daughters. There he would wait for three years for the opportunity to return to China’s center stage.
By 1911, the Manchu had formed an administrative cabinet, modeling Japan’s obvious success in having an absolute monarch governing through a constitutional framework. The progress halted on October 10th, when a bomb blew apart a house in the Russian concession of Hankou, Hubei’s main port. The house was a weapons cache for conspirators in the local Qing garrison. Once discovered, they grabbed their guns and seized nearby Wuhan. The anti-Qing revolution had begun.
Although easily contained by loyal Qing troops, the Wuhan rebels triggered mutinies and uprisings across China. Virtually all Chinese with an informed opinion sided with the revolutionaries. Last Emperor Pu Yi was too young to care, but acting regent Prince Chun saw the predicament of his minority House. Yuan Shikai suddenly received a letter of royal stamp informing him that he was now the Viceroy of Hubei and Hunan, and officially entrusted with quelling the rebels. Had he the lack of wit to agree, Yuan never would have risen past stable boy in the Qing court. Instead, he granted the revolutionaries an audience. They offered to make him President of the Chinese Republic should the revolution succeed.
With typical cunning, Yuan devised a third way. He informed Prince Chun that he and his foot would make a comeback only were he made supreme commander of China’s armed forces, adequately funded and supplied. Moreover, the royal cabinet of Manchu princes would have to be replaced with a more representative one, a national assembly set up within the year, and the revolutionaries pardoned.
While Prince Chun vacillated, Yuan stayed at home pulling strings. He had his army recapture Hankou and Wuhan. The Manchu court received a demand from the 20th division of Yuan’s North China army that a constitutional monarchy be set up within a year. The show of potential might swayed Prince Chun to announce his abdication as Regent, and on November 1Yuan was appointed Prime Minister.
One of his first acts, at the behest of new Dowager Empress Lungyu, was to negotiate a settlement with the revolutionaries. Despite his restoration, Yuan was anything but committed to Manchu interests. Revolutionary leader Dr. Wu Tingfang had drawn up a four point peace plan which demanded Manchu abdication, establishment of a republic, a pension for the emperor, and a fund for aged and poor Manchus. Yuan sent his right hand man, Tang Shaoyi, to Shanghai to discuss the plan with Dr Wu and the revolutionaries. A queue-less Tang soon convinced the Republicans that both Yuan and he sympathized with the cause.
With the Qing ready to surrender all but nominal power, Yuan was again in position to claim China’s top spot, whatever his assignation. Yet again he demurred, claiming that after all his faithful service to the Manchus, he would never consent to going on record as a usurper. Thus, despite the attempts of the Republicans to confer the honor on Yuan, Sun Yat-sen was sworn in as the first president of a China turned republic by imperial decree.
Those shocked by Yuan’s refusal might have sniffed out the larger plan when Sun gave his first speech as president. Sun made hardly any mention of duties or plans, instead taking pains to set a timeline for his departure:
” I will faithfully obey the wishes of the citizens, be loyal to the nation and perform my duty in the interest of the public, until the downfall of the despotic government…then I shall relinquish the office of provisional president. I hereby swear this before the citizens.”
Immediately after the speech, Sun telegraphed Yuan to confirm his promise to stand down once Yuan announced his support for the republic.
But Yuan would not accept the presidency until the wishes of the Manchus had been added to the Convention to establish the republic. A keen student of history, he knew that true Chinese authority devolved from Heaven to the Son of Heaven. Yuan wanted the public perception that his authority was divine; the masses he would govern had no concept of rule by consent. Besides, his concept of power was that of a professional soldier and courtier. He had no abiding love of republicanism, but expediency demanded he make a good play of it, as he wrote:
“If we are to elevate our people to the status of citizen of a republic, we must use law to assist virtue. Having consulted scholars of various countries, I come to this definition: a republican government is one that has an all-embracing system of laws based on the wishes of all and to be strictly observed by all.”
However, in a subsequent policy speech, he made a revealing statement about his real conception of how political power worked:
” If one compares the system of constitutional monarchy, which restricts the power of a king, with one or another of the various systems that our people want to try in China, one must come to the conclusion that the former is the only lasting solution… all I am trying to do is prevent China from breaking into pieces.”
Yuan needed as much careful preservation as republican China. On the cusp of a newly ratified government, 68 officers of the Northern Army came out in support of the Qing dynasty, just as Yuan was in the final stages of receiving ‘legitimate’ power from the Son of Heaven. Days later, a revolutionary cell attempted to assassinate Yuan as he returned from presenting a memorial to the Dowager Empress. Revolutionary party members threw four homemade bombs at his carriage, not realizing that his memorial had strongly urged the Manchus to abdicate. Twelve guards were killed, but none hit the carriage directly.
Yuan used the assassination attempt to launch a string of endgame moves worthy of a grandmaster. He publicly blamed the revolutionaries in Shanghai for the attack, and left Beijing to ‘recuperate’. His absence gained him huge advantage, what with the Revolutionaries not in on the plot now on the defensive, and the Manchu court deprived of their chief advocate.
His next move was to propose a provisional government in Tianjin upon the abdication, imitating the revolutionaries in giving the country the symbol of a new start. After that, he saw to it that a telegram from more than 40 high-ranking officers of his Northern Army, many who had recently pledged loyalty to the dynasty, reached the Dowager Empress personally. The message called for the immediate abdication of Pu Yi, and not so subtly threatened his and the Empress’ life should he fail to do so. His last play took the form of an edict in the Dowager Empress’ name, which would end more than 250 years’ dynastic rule.
Having achieved mate and match, the Prime Minister led his cabinet into the Forbidden City for a last tribute to the Manchu, and to oversee the final moments of an empire. The Empress read Yuan’s decree, choking back sobs as her courtiers wailed and gnashed their teeth.
“We hereby hand over the sovereignty to the people as a whole and declare that the constitution shall henceforth be republican. Yuan Shikai, having been elected Prime minister some time ago by the Political Consultative Council, is able at this time of change to unite the north and the south. Let him then, with the full power so to do, organize a provisional republican government… that peace may be assured to the people and that the complete integrity of the territories of the five races – Hans, Manchus, Mongols, Muhammadans and Tibetans – is at the same time maintained in a great state under the title of the Republic of China.”
Now Yuan’s only obstacle to primacy was Sun, loudly voicing his belief that Yuan’s Manchu power transfer was illegitimate, and that the new government should be centered in Nanjing. Although he had had his queue ceremoniously clipped, and previously promised a new Nanjing capital, Yuan wasn’t about to abandon Beijing, claiming his presence in the North was necessary to national unity.
To persuade China this was so, and to dispose of Sun, Yuan devised a classic false flag operation. Just as a delegation from Sun arrived in Beijing to press for the move to Nanjing, there came a sudden ‘mutiny’ from Yuan’s formerly most loyal units in the Northern Army. They tore through Beijing, burning and looting, and even threatening the foreign legations for maximum international effect. The delegation summarily withdrew its demands, and Yuan was inaugurated second provisional president of the Republic of China. The ceremony took place in the Imperial Palace, with the Manchus still packing their personal effects.
The first threat to his presidency soon arrived in the form of a new revolutionary party formed from several old ones, the Kuomintang, or ‘National People’s Party’. On its inception, the Kuomintang issued a manifesto promising “to adopt the principles of social service to prepare the way for the introduction of socialism in order to facilitate and better the standard of living, and to employ the powers and strength of the Government quickly and evenly to develop the resources of our country”.
These socialist ideals were meaningless to a strong-man such as Yuan, who was facing an empty treasury and a fractured nation. Soon the everyday operations of the fledgling government were mired in Kuomintang and Republican plotting, although none could yet rival Asian Machiavelli Yuan.
To prevent foreign jackals from descending on his nascent state, he turned to America, which had been the least predacious of the foreign powers. Washington officially recognized the Chinese republic, and sent esteemed scholar Professor Frank Goodnow to help write China’s new constitution. Other international administrative experts arrived, but China’s greatest need was for a substantial international loan.
During China’s era of humiliation, loans had been arranged through the Shanghai &Hong Kong bank, the fiduciary arm of British, French, Russian, German, and Japanese exploitation. In predictable fashion, the Five Powers attached to loan documents a list of demands that would leave China essentially as economically beholden to foreign powers as it had been under the Manchu.
Still, Yuan found it expedient to accede to the demands, despite abjuration from the Kuomintang, whom he in turn blamed for the endless delays in getting the new government on its feet. On March 20, 1913, the Kuomintang’s chairman, Sung Qiaozen, set off to Beijing to intervene, but was assassinated at the Shanghai train station. Within a few days, evidence surfaced tying Yuan to the murder. Sung became an instant martyr for the Republican cause, and a symbol of Yuan’s dictatorial style and weakness in the face of foreign pressure. Sun Yat-sen added to the disgrace, attacking Yuan’s handling of the loan and affirming his belief that Yuan had been behind the assassination. He called on his followers to break with ‘Dictator Yuan’.
In response, a widespread rebellion broke out in the Yangtze valley. Yuan quickly put it down, and promised that he would smash Sun and his associates if they dared continue to “be a nuisance”. Despite overwhelming opposition to the Five Powers’ loan, Yuan finished the paperwork. Sun declared Yuan’s actions unconstitutional and sent a public telegram demanding Yuan resign.
The Kuomintang for their part declared Nanjing independent, and launched a punitive expedition against the president. Four provinces – Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Anhui, and Guangdong – joined the revolt. The coalition fared badly against the government forces, who were paid and equipped by the Five-Powers loan. After putting down the revolt in a now smoldering Nanjing, Yuan’s men surrounded Beijing’s Parliament building and refused to leave until the Assembly elected a permanent president. Unsurprisingly, Yuan was the only choice. His first act was to outlaw the Kuomintang.
If he had his internal enemies briefly at bay, Yuan had a much more powerful adversary in Japan. In 1914, Japan was on the ascendant as an empire. A robust constitutional monarchy, Japan had annexed Korea in 1911 and was pushing into Mongolia from its holdings in Manchuria. The most callow political observer could have divined Japan’s intentions for China as a massive resource base and colony. To exacerbate matters, Sun Yat-sen now had his base in Tokyo, and was proposing cooperation with Japan on all fronts, an alternative to Yuan’s Five Powers-version of foreign subjugation. Japan had a massive army and navy, and needed only a reason to step up its activities in China.
Archduke Ferdinand’s assassination provided the excuse. Japan presented Germany with an ultimatum – withdraw all armed vessels from the waters of Japan and the China Sea, and hand over German concessions in China to Japan. The ultimatum included some vague words about eventually returning the colony to China, but no one, least of all Yuan, was taken in.
Yuan, who had been savvy enough to declare neutrality in the European conflict, now pleaded with Britain to secure Germany’s colony for China. But Britain valued its alliance with Japan more, and joined Japan in attacking Qingdao on September 26th. By November 7th, the Germans had been scattered, and the Japanese flag soon appeared on every public building in Qingdao. The Japanese followed their victory with a list of 21 demands as exploitative as any China had ever had from Western powers. On presenting the list to Yuan, Ambassador Hioki had the gall to bang his walking stick on Yuan’s dining table and forbid refusal on threat of open war.
Yuan remained composed, not deigning to reply immediately. He had a new agenda, one that had probably long been close to his heart, but that now inexplicably seemed the best time to implement. He would be emperor of a new Chinese monarchy, albeit one he hoped Japan would support.
Therefore, even after the demands went public, Yuan still refused to reject them. Amidst ever mounting public fury at Japan’s temerity, Yuan called a meeting to tell his ministers that China no choice but to accept the demands. “This is both sad and humiliating,” Yuan said, “but let us all remember it and do our best to wipe out this disgrace.”
Meanwhile, he pressed on with his newly formed monarchist cabal, which made every effort at manufacturing support amongst tame provincial governors and generals. Within a month, some 2000 bought-off representatives appeared in Beijng to request Yuan’s ascension to the throne. The State Council even presented a memorial referring to him as “Your Holy Majesty”.
In true Chinese fashion, Yuan at first declined the honor, only acceding when a second memorial came within an hour of his refusal. Thus was the Grand Constitutional Era on proclaimed on the eve of 1916, in preparation for a formal enthronement.
Outraged, Yunnan declared its independence, and general Cai E led his Yunnan army into Sichuan. Yuan took this first response to his constitutional monarchy in stride, predicting the rebellion’s death within twenty days. However, eight other provinces joined the revolt, and intelligence soon informed him that unless he renounced the throne, all of southern China would rise against him.
Despite the threat, Yuan lingered a while longer in his royal dream, engaging in dress rehearsals for his coronation with a passel of wives and concubines. Yet his rapidly crumbling power base, the disarray of his army and the rising tide of nation-wide revolt against his imperial decree, all finally brought him to his senses. After less than three months as ‘Emperor’, Yuan proclaimed the abolition of his rule.
He retained a dim hope of being re-instated as president, but hero du jour General Cai insisted that Yuan step down immediately. The old chess master was mated, but continued to cling to whatever power he had, promising sweeping reforms and transfer of powers to his cabinet.
The struggle took an amazingly rapid toll on Yuan’s health. His sorry state reflected China’s precarious condition, as both the Bank of China and Bank of Communications stopped paying silver on demand, and confidence in Chinese scrip plummeted. By the end of May, Yuan had lost all but familial support and languished in his sick room. On June 6th, barely half a year after proclaiming himself the Son of Heaven, he died, aged fifty six.
Despite succeeding presidents and efforts at re-unification, China continued its degeneration into an ongoing Battle Royale of rival factions, all changing allegiances with the easy morals of warlords whose only objective is naked power. And despite only a brief time at the top, not until Mao Zedong would there be another living embodiment of unified China like Yuan Shikai.
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I love reading Chinese history and this one brought it all back. Thanks Ernie.
Thanks to you, Terry. Feedback from a fellow hardcore history fan is always much appreciated.
A fascinating story about a fascinating man.
Super story. I loved reading this.
Calling John Huston.
Some truly awful pop music, for starters.
great Emperor i love this post thanks
This is one of the very informative post i love to read about such a great Emperor.
You didn't read this in the tub, did you?
i am very happy to know about such great Emperor. thanks for sharing
If anything, the Last Emperor is a sort of prequel to this story, in that it explains imperial inertia, so hard to overcome even for the most ambitious new republics.
Thank you. That’s the kind of comment that keeps me writing on a grey and boring evening.
Born in Bergen-Norway 27 July 1864-died 13-05-1935 in Peking
Norwegian – General in China – Johan Wilhelm Normann Munthe 27 July 1864-died 13-05-1935 Peking – uniform designed by himself -Yuan Shih-K’ai
Tale/artikkel, publisert 21.01.2002
Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik
Speech at The Chinese Academy for Social Sciences
Beijing, 21 January 2002
Perspectives on Norwegian-Chinese Relations.
President of the CASS Mr. Li Tieying, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
I first visited China in 1980. The first steps had been taken down the road of modernisation and opening up.
This year, I have the privilege to visit your great nation as Norway�s prime minister.
I see a very different country.
It is an honour to visit this highly respected institution of academic excellence and importance in China. It is an honour to present some perspectives on Norwegian-Chinese relations, relations that are of increasing importance to my country.
President Jiang Zemin has said that a country that wants to develop and prosper must learn from the experience of other countries.
Both Norway and China can learn much from each other. According to ancient Chinese wisdom it takes time to develop a well-rounded, harmonious personality. Balanced development is all-important.
This also applies to relations between individuals, institutions and nations.
My Government�s cooperation with China includes a political dialogue alongside increased trade and economic cooperation and closer cooperation in the cultural field.
Norway and the People�s Republic of China have longstanding and good relations. My visit to China reflects the importance of these relations. And it emphasises the mutual benefit we can derive from them.
Norwegians have been proud of their ability to navigate the seas � over 1000 years ago, during the Viking era, we saw the sea as a highway.
Yet, the Vikings did not seem to get as far as China. The first Norwegian sailors to call at Chinese ports came in the 16 th> and 17 th> centuries.
It may still have been the Viking spirit that moved a young Norwegian customs officer in Ningbo 110 years ago to row a sampan across the mine-infested Yangtze river. The young Johan Wilhelm Normann Munthe had volunteered to warn a steamer from Shanghai about the mines.
He succeeded, his bravery made an impression, and Munthe later became a general under Yuan Shi-kai. He was eventually buried here in Beijing with full official honours.
Munthe was colourful. But so were many others.
During the time of the empire of the 19 th> century and the republic of the 20 th>, up the large rivers came Norwegian sailors, tradesmen and missionaries. A surprising number of my countrymen held leading positions in the civil service of that day.
A hundred years ago, many young intellectuals in China looked to Europe for new ideas and inspiration. The playwright Henrik Ibsen was viewed also by the Chinese as a pioneer of modern drama. His works were translated and performed here very early.
This well-established cooperation with China was the historic backdrop when Norway formally recognised the People�s Republic as early as January 1950 � one of the very first Western countries to do so.
We supported the People�s Republic as the legitimate representative of China in the United Nations. That was an expression of solidarity with the people of China.
Today, the relations between Norway and China are in a constructive and dynamic phase. The past ten years have seen the friendship evolve even stronger. We witness more frequent visits on various levels.
We enjoy a range of contacts in the academic sphere and in a number of other sectors of civil society. China is in the process of becoming the most popular long-distance tourist destination for Norwegians. There is a growing interest on the part of the Chinese in visiting Norway and Northern Europe.
I am honoured to touch upon some key areas of cooperation between our two countries.
In our knowledge-based economy, the importance of education is key. Making sure that everyone has an opportunity to get an education is as vital as making sure the education they receive is relevant for tomorrow. Education is a promising area in Norwegian-Chinese cooperation.
That collaboration ranges from student and teacher exchange programmes and technological cooperation to research cooperation.
Arctic and polar research is a new addition to the many areas of common interest and research. The polar field has long traditions in Norway. I am happy to note the current Chinese interest in such activities. You contribute to expanding our own knowledge. I welcome the establishment of a Chinese polar research base on Spitsbergen, the Norwegian archipelago in the arctic High North.
Arctic research is closely related to the environment, a field where China faces unparallelled challenges by virtue of her size and her high level of growth.
I will congratulate China for managing to reduce total CO2 and methane emissions between 1996 and 2000. Reducing emissions at a time of high growth is an impressive contribution to our efforts to halt climate change. It is vital to China and to the world at large that your country continues to demonstrate determination and the capacity for sustained action.
In 1998, Norway and China entered into a so-called Activities Implemented Jointly agreement under the Climate Convention. This project was the first of its kind in China. It aims at improving energy efficiency in a coal-fuelled power plant in Hunan province.
Many other joint environmental projects have been carried out. We monitor and manage systems for air and water control in cities and river basins. Our largest ongoing effort is a programme to combat acid rain in China, involving several Norwegian and Chinese research institutes. We have first-hand experience because of our exposure to air pollutants from sources abroad. Only after many years of intensive efforts were we able bring this problem under control. Now, we will share our research efforts with you.
I am happy that my Minister of the Environment accompanies me on my visit to China. That testifies to our commitment. I welcome the close collaboration between our two countries in the environmental area.
The fisheries sector plays a central part in our relations. Our longstanding resource management cooperation includes a research vessel based in Qingdao. We are both major fisheries nations, China being the largest producer in the world and Norway being among the largest exporters of fish. These days, we are concerned about the state of the marine environment. We have a lot to share, and we have more to learn through continued and expanded cooperation.
We are finding new customers for Norwegian salmon and other fish products, as your excellent cuisine has many new and old followers in my country.
And we note a great interest by the Chinese aquaculture industry in our new, environmentally friendly technology and equipment.
This is encouraging.
Without a past, we have no future.
Cooperation on preserving the cultural heritage is an area where Norway is privileged to join hands with China, a country with an immensely rich culture. I had the opportunity to witness one result of our cooperation in this field on Saturday night, walking the streets of the old quarter of Xian.
I was happy to see that many of the old buildings had been restored as part of a joint Norwegian-Chinese effort, and were being used by communities of young artists.
Throughout the centuries, Chinese culture has been a source of inspiration to all who encounter it. An increasing number of our artists are seeking creative encounters with colleagues in China. There is an ongoing dialogue on literature between our writers and publishers. Numerous exchanges in theatre and music have enriched both our countries. The composer Edvard Grieg, in addition to Henrik Ibsen, is well known in China.
Our two countries share a common appreciation of the value of cultural diversity, with the wealth of expression this entails. We both recognise the fertile ground this diversity provides for creative new voices, tones, colours, visual expression and words that can enrich the human condition.
Whereas China has launched a �Go West� campaign, I am happy to note that Norwegian business and industry are eager to �Go East.�
On this visit I am accompanied by more than 100 prominent Norwegian businessmen and -women. My Minister of Industry and Trade has joined me. I have this morning come from the opening of �Norway Industry Day� where Norwegian and Chinese business leaders explore areas of contact.
Norway is well known to China as a shipping nation.
Norwegian shipping interests at present control the third largest fleet in the world. Twenty-five new ships and oilrigs, to the tune of RMB 10 billion, are currently in production in China. When I go to Shanghai tomorrow, I will also emphasise our maritime cooperation.
Information and communications technology is a defining feature of globalisation.
China is well on the way to becoming one of the largest and most demanding ICT arenas in the world. Norway has special technology and expertise to share. We hope to engage in further mutual undertakings with China.
With the valuable support of your Ministry of Information Industry, we look forward to presenting concrete plans for increased interaction in this high-technology field.
Ladies and gentlemen,
For more than seven years Norway and China have been engaged in a structured dialogue on human rights and the rule of law.
We, too, are striving to improve the implementation of our human rights commitments. My country is now in the second year of implementing our National Plan of Action for Human Rights.
We find it most useful to exchange our views and experiences.
We have great respect for the challenges China is facing in implementing its human rights commitments.
The modernisation and reform process in China has historic dimensions. It poses historic challenges. This goes for the entire area of human rights. China has made great strides, particularly in safeguarding social and economic rights. However, the abolition of the �iron rice bowl� presents challenges on a new level.
Civil, political and cultural rights are increasingly a part of this modernisation agenda � as they should be.
We are evaluating the experiences gained in the dialogue in which the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences has been a frequent participant. The questions in not whether, but how we best can continue this key cooperation in order to achieve common goals. Mutual respect and the growing knowledge and understanding have led to mutual confidence. We can address issues in an open and frank and ever more practical manner.
I hope Norway will remain a relevant partner in our joint human rights endeavours.
Our agenda will continue to encompass the rule of law and issues as the use of the death penalty and administrative detention, freedom of religion or belief, freedom of expression, the situation of ethnic minorities, freedom of association, equal opportunities and labour rights.
Ladies and gentlemen,
We look forward to engaging in closer cooperation in all these fields.
On labour relations and social standards we have had fruitful exchanges between Norwegian and Chinese organisations.
With the developments in Chinese society, membership of the World Trade Organisation and the continued modernisation of business and the economy, a new question has arisen: How can business best relate not just to its shareholders, but to company staff and their families, to their customers and suppliers, to the local community, regional authorities, to the environment?
The issue of corporate social responsibility is now on our agenda.
The social and health sectors are crucial to any society � and in our cooperation. The scope is wide. It reaches from cooperation between the Norwegian and the Chinese Red Cross Societies, to institutional contacts and exchanges between our respective health authorities.
I am particularly encouraged by the degree Norwegian non-governmental institutions are being welcomed by local communities and administrations in China. This can be a valuable input to improve social services and to develop a vigorous Chinese civil society.
The modernisation of Chinese society is unprecedented in magnitude. It is unprecedented in its scope. Hundreds of millions of people have a direct stake in the successful outcome of these efforts. In carrying out such a process of transformation, you have to take stock of how it is affecting people�s daily lives. The Norwegian Institute for Applied International Studies FAFO has contributed to such knowledge in cooperation with the National Research Centre for Science and Technology for Development, in Beijing .
Studies on migratory patterns and the challenges of modernisation in the western parts of China will hopefully be of use in implementing the �Go West� campaign.
Your aim is to improve your people�s standard of living. Yet, at the same time, you will have to respect your many-faceted societies with their different cultural, religious and other traditions. This is indeed a daunting task.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Norway is a young nation state with an old history. Norway was for four hundred years ruled by Denmark and then became part of a union with Sweden until 1905.
Independence was a powerful and central theme of our nationhood even before we were occupied by Nazi Germany from 1940 to 1945.
In a climate that daily tests endurance, ingenuity and our dependence on the world around us, my country has fostered a combination of self-reliance and solidarity.
Norway is a small and vulnerable country. We Norwegians are acutely aware of our reliance on the world beyond our shores. The road to our development as an economy and as a nation was never separated from development elsewhere.
The United Nations is a cornerstone of our foreign policy. Our aim is close cooperation between nations based on the rule of law and equality.
In his acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo last month, Secretary-General Kofi Annan spoke of three key priorities for the future: �Eradicating poverty, preventing conflict, and promoting democracy.� He continued, �Only in a world that is rid of poverty can men and women make the most of their abilities. Only where individual rights are respected can differences be channelled politically and resolved peacefully. Only in a democratic environment, based on respect for diversity and dialogue, can individual self-expression and self-government be secured, and freedom of association be upheld.� Those were the powerful words of Secretary-General Annan.
There are many conflicts ongoing around the world. There are even more potential conflicts. The terrorist threat to world security and to peaceful cooperation between nations has taken on a new face. It demands renewed efforts.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The terrorist attacks in the United States on 11 September were not only directed at innocent people.
They were directed at the very values on which the United Nations is based.
We stand united in our condemnation of these attacks. We call for international cooperation to prevent and eradicate terrorism and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
We will fight terrorism with all appropriate means: political, diplomatic, legal, financial and military.
I pledge my country�s full support to the broad global coalition against terrorism. We are part of the North Atlantic alliance. We fully support the United States in its efforts to defend itself against international terrorism. We are implementing the provisions of Security Council resolution 1373 by taking concrete steps to cut off the financial resources of terrorist networks. The UN must play a central part in the international fight against terrorism.
We appreciate the close cooperation with China in the UN on this vital issue.
The UN is a focal point for rallying all nations in an effort to combat and eliminate terrorism. The UN Charter, together with resolutions in the Security Council, forms the guiding principles of our effort. We must combine our determination to fight terrorism with vigilance. In that way we can protect and promote human rights in the process.
The rule of law is a central theme in all international interaction. It forms the basis of the modern state. It would be of great benefit to the current fight against terrorism if there had been an effective International Criminal Court. In such a court those responsible for these inhuman crimes could be prosecuted. That court should not, of course, take on the tasks of national legal institutions. But it could and should become an important supplement.
It is not possible to address inequality in the world without discussing it on the individual level. The curse of racism and intolerance and the dangers and consequences of marginalised groups in society can hardly be overestimated. The World Conference in Durban confirmed the responsibility of each state to combat racism. I am pleased to note the reference made to the importance of safeguarding the rights of indigenous peoples and national minorities. Yet, the test lies, as always, in the implementation.
Ever since the first UN missions in Africa, Norway has been a partner in the peacekeeping and peace-building efforts of the United Nations. Since 1948, my country has taken part in 30 peacekeeping operations. More than 60,000 Norwegians have served under UN command.
The task of peacekeeping is an important as well as a difficult one, and we welcome the increasing engagement of China in peacekeeping efforts.
Norway is currently a member of the Security Council. China holds the only permanent Asian seat. We seek to act in accordance with the responsibility entrusted to the Security Council under the Charter. We highly value our cooperation with China in the Council.
In six weeks� time, Norway will hold the presidency of the Council. During our month in office, the stabilisation and post-war reconstruction of Afghanistan and the fight against terrorism will continue to be on the agenda. The importance of these issues to my country is highlighted by the fact that Norway has taken on the task of chairing the multinational Afghanistan Support Group.
The role of the President of the Security Council is primarily that of a facilitator. We will do what we can to ensure that sound decisions are reached.
China is living up to her United Nations responsibility. Your country has a growing influence in the region and beyond � not least due to your impressive economic growth. The cooperation between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Chinese proposal to create a free-trade area between China and the ASEAN demonstrate the role China plays also regionally. It is key to encourage such regional cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual benefit.
The APEC Summit in Shanghai last autumn, which was so well organised by China, highlighted the importance of Asian-Pacific regional cooperation. I will pursue this regional perspective when I proceed to Seoul later this week.
Ladies and gentlemen,
President Jiang Zemin emphasises that economic globalisation has brought development opportunities, yet also serious challenges and risks.
I agree. Globalisation is a trend caused by economic, scientific and technological developments. The only way to counter the negative aspects of today�s world is to address them. The gap between the North and the South, between rich and poor, within countries as well as between countries, is growing. An important part of my country�s response is to increase overseas development aid to one per cent of our gross domestic product, up from 0.9 per cent at present.
I also agree with President Jiang when he states that a globalised economy calls for global cooperation. In this spirit, I warmly welcome the membership of China in the World Trade Organisation.
Your membership is a great stride towards making this body truly representative. Your membership as of December was indeed one of the key international events last year.
As a founding member of the WTO, Norway participated in drawing up the basic principles of the organisation. The Norwegian economy is an open one. Important sectors of Norwegian business and industry are export-oriented. This has emphasised our recognition of predictable rules for trade.
Norway and China support the establishment of the New Round. We agree that weight must be put on the development dimension.
Ladies and gentlemen,
China�s economy grows. And Norway is being increasingly affected by China�s development. Our aim is to expand our broad and active cooperation with China.
We propose more research and institutional cooperation, as well as efforts to increase both countries� knowledge of the other�s language, culture and society. Human rights and environmental cooperation will continue to occupy a central place.
I trust you will agree that there is a wide scope for further contact and closer relations between Norway and China.
Our differences can indeed become our strengths as we share our experience and our expertise, as we widen our understanding of the world we live in. We are ready and we are willing to proceed along this path � in our bilateral relations and in our contribution towards peace, security and development in all parts of the world.
China is becoming an Olympic nation. My country has hosted the winter Olympics twice. We are in little doubt as to the magnitude of this undertaking. Your Games can have a tremendous mobilising and motivating force. I wish you every success in achieving modern Olympic ideals: friendly, open, green and above all fair Games!
Thank you for your attention.